Ugandan police defy orders to avoid sanctions

Ugandan police officers are reportedly defying official directives largely to avoid sanctions from the USA and European countries, The Observer has learned.

In September, the USA Department of State imposed sanctions on four Uganda Police Force (UPF) officers for their alleged involvement in serious human rights violations, including torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

These sanctions mark a significant move by the USA, targeting high-ranking UPF officers as part of an accountability initiative aimed at addressing abuses within Uganda's security forces. The officers under sanction include figures alleged to have orchestrated or condoned actions that directly violate international human rights standards.

This development places increased pressure on Uganda's police force to review practices and oversight mechanisms, yet some officers appear resistant to internal directives designed to mitigate further international scrutiny. Among those designated are Bob Kagarura, former Wamala Regional Police Commander; Alex Mwine, former District Police Commander for Mityana; Elly Womanya, a former Senior Commissioner and Deputy Director of the UPF's Criminal Investigations Division overseeing the Special Investigations Unit (SIU); and Hamdani Twesigye, then-Deputy Inspector of Police assigned to the SIU.

According to US Department of State spokesperson Matthew Miller, these sanctions make Kagarura, Mwine, Womanya, Twesigye, and their immediate families ineligible for entry into the United States. Miller affirmed the credibility of allegations against these officers, which were corroborated by Ugandan civil court documents, civil society organisations, and independent journalists.

"The United States, by publicly designating these individuals, reaffirms its commitment to upholding human rights for all Ugandans and ensuring accountability for human rights violations," Miller stated.

BACKGROUND OF THE SANCTIONS

The sanctions stem from a high- profile case involving Mityana County MP Francis Zaake, whose arrest and alleged mistreatment drew national and international attention. Zaake was apprehended at his home in Mityana in 2020 for distributing food during the Covid-19 lockdown, allegedly in violation of ministry of Health standard operating procedures.

Following his arrest, Zaake was held at Mityana police station before being transferred to the Police Special Investigations Directorate (SID) at Kireka, where he claims he experienced severe abuse. Zaake contends that during his detention, police officers conducted a search of his home without a warrant, and that he endured physical abuse, including beatings, pepper spray, and verbal harassment directed at his ethnicity and political affiliations.

Additionally, he claims he was detained in ungazetted facilities. Although Nakawa Chief Magistrate's court ordered his unconditional release on April 27, 2020, Zaake was instead released on police bond two days later. Zaake subsequently filed a lawsuit in 2020 against the attorney general and the officers allegedly involved in his mistreatment, including the recently sanctioned Kagarura, Mwine, Womanya and Twesigye.

His complaint outlined that he was held incommunicado, subjected to torture, and detained without trial in multiple locations, including Mityana police station, Uganda Police Force's Special Investigations Unit headquarters at Kireka, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence headquarters in Mbuya, and two hospitals.

Most of these sites, he claimed, are not officially designated detention centres. In August 2021, High court judge Esta Nambayo ruled that the physical harm inflicted on Zaake during his detention constituted a violation of his fundamental rights to dignity and freedom from torture and awarded him Shs 75 million in compensation.

BROADER IMPLICATIONS FOR UGANDA'S POLICE FORCE

The USA sanctions represent a significant diplomatic move, signalling a growing international focus on human rights practices within Uganda's law enforcement agencies. The sanctions not only restrict travel for the designated officers and their families but also serve as a statement on accountability in cases of human rights violations.

The sanctions come amid broader concerns within Uganda about law enforcement practices, transparency, and the treatment of political dissidents and opposition figures. By sanctioning these officers, the United States and its allies underscore the potential for diplomatic repercussions when international human rights standards are not met.

The move also aligns with global efforts to address human rights abuses and highlights ongoing challenges within Uganda's judicial and law enforcement systems in upholding the rule of law and ensuring fair treatment for all citizens. The developments in the Zaake case, combined with the sanctions, may pressure Ugandan authorities to reassess police procedures, particularly regarding arrests, detention practices, and respect for citizens' rights.

As Uganda's political and legal landscape evolves, the international community's response to such cases will likely continue to shape dialogue around human rights and accountability in the country.

IMPACT OF SANCTIONS ON UGANDA'S POLICE FORCE: INSIGHTS FROM THE FIELD

Sanctions imposed by the United States and other countries on Ugandan police officers have stirred a mixed response within the ranks of law enforcement, according to officers interviewed for this report. While the sanctions have underscored accountability for human rights violations, they have also contributed to frustration, diminished morale, and fear among police personnel.

One officer reflected on the dual impact of the sanctions.

"I believe it has affected us both positively and negatively. The sanctioned commanders often express their frustration, blaming us for their blacklisting, even though we're simply following orders. They claim these orders come from higher up," the officer stated.

This sentiment reflects a prevailing tension between field officers, who face frontline accountability, and their commanders, who direct operations but often do not defend their subordinates when situations escalate. The sanctions have also led to increased caution among officers, as they are reminded of the potential repercussions of their actions.

"We were briefed about the recently sanctioned officers and reminded that our actions have consequences. Some leaders advise us to handle orders thoughtfully and avoid unnecessary confrontations," the officer explained.

However, another source noted that senior officers frequently attribute the sanctions to the actions of field officers, whom they accuse of responding too aggressively under pressure.

"Our bosses often blame field officers, saying we act under stress and end up mistreating people. Since the USA. began imposing sanctions, there has been a noticeable decrease in human rights abuses during and after protests," he observed.

This awareness of potential repercussions has contributed to a shift in the way officers approach protest crackdowns. During a recent demonstration against the speaker of parliament and the East Africa crude oil pipeline, officers were instructed to handle the situation carefully to protect the reputation of the police force.

According to an insider, "If you look closely, you'll see there was no impunity or arrogance in the recent arrests. Officers have lost morale, and some even claim to be indisposed to avoid participation in actions that could lead to sanctions."

Low morale has become a recurring theme among officers, especially within the Field Force Unit (FFU). An officer described the situation as a no-win scenario: "They give us orders and direct us to execute them. But if we don't succeed, we face charges; if we follow them too aggressively, we're reprimanded. So, what do they expect us to do?"

In an effort to address the mounting concerns among younger officers, the director of Counter-Terrorism recently held a career discussion, emphasising that accountability for human rights violations will continue, extending beyond those already sanctioned.

"We are serving the Republic of Uganda, not just the current government," he told the officers. "A time will come when the government will change, but young officers will still be here. Many senior officers are already in the 'red zone' with tarnished reputations. They have little chance of serving beyond this government."

The speech appeared to resonate deeply with the officers, who are increasingly aware of the long-term implications of their actions. "He told us the truth," one officer recalled.

"If something were to happen now and the government changes, those in power won't be there to protect us. We, the younger officers, will still be here, expected to serve the nation. Many of our seniors are already sanctioned and may not have careers beyond this administration."

Another officer noted that the fear induced by USA sanctions has grown within the police force. However, due to the structured chain of command, declining deployment orders is rarely an option. "Like the military, police operate on orders; you can't decline a deployment. When a commander orders you to take action, you follow through. Refusing isn't an option," he said, underscoring the rigidity of the police structure.

These sanctions have cast a shadow over the force's reputation, both internally and in the public eye.

"The sanctions tarnish our image as an institution and in the eyes of the public. We are often perceived as rogue armed individuals who disregard human rights," the officer added.

For many low- ranking officers, the sanctions have complicated their roles, often making them bear the brunt of public criticism despite acting on orders.

"It's clear we are following directives, but we're the ones who end up facing the consequences," he said.

As sanctions continue to shape the dynamics within Uganda's police force, the effects are felt at every level—from senior commanders to frontline officers. The unfolding consequences of these international pressures are reshaping attitudes within the force, fostering greater caution, and challenging the balance between executing orders and respecting human rights.

POLICE ADDRESS RECENT SANCTIONS AS LIST OF BLACKLISTED UGANDANS GROWS

In response to recent USA sanctions imposed on Ugandan police officers, police spokesperson Rusoke Kituuma stated that the Ugandan police institution has Maj Gen Tumusiime Katsigazi opted not to formally respond, citing the absence of direct communication from the USA government.

"When a foreign government has not communicated, and we can choose whether to respond or not," Rusoke told The Observer, underscoring the institution's stance of selective engagement with foreign sanctions.

EXPANSION OF THE USA SANCTIONS LIST IN UGANDA

The latest round of sanctions adds to an expanding roster of high-profile Ugandans who have been blacklisted by the United States over the years for alleged corruption, human rights abuses and other serious violations.

In 2018, former Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa, who served as president of the UN General Assembly from 2014 to 2015, was implicated in a bribery scandal involving Chinese national Patrick Ho of the China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC). Kutesa was accused of accepting a $500,000 bribe from Ho to secure "business advantages" for the Chinese energy corporation.

Although Kutesa has denied any wrongdoing, his inclusion on the USA watchlist brought significant scrutiny to Uganda's handling of high-level corruption. Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) General Kale Kayihura, a prominent figure in Uganda's security sector, faced USA sanctions in 2019 for alleged involvement in corruption, human rights abuses, and bribery.

The U.S. Department of Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) accused Kayihura of leading a police force known for serious human rights abuses against Ugandan citizens. In a statement, Treasury under secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Sigal Mandelker stated, "We are targeting Uganda's former police inspector general Kale Kayihura for using corruption and bribery to strengthen his political position, as units under his command committed serious human rights abuses."

The sanctions extended to Kayihura's immediate family, affecting their access to USA assets and travel. In December 2021, Major General Abel Kandiho, former head of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), was also sanctioned by OFAC. Kandiho was implicated alongside high-profile Iranian and Syrian officials in allegations of serious human rights abuses.

According to the Treasury Department, Kandiho's tenure at CMI was marked by repressive measures targeting civilians, political dissidents, and peaceful protesters.

IMPLICATIONS FOR UGANDA'S INTERNATIONAL REPUTATION

These sanctions reflect an intensifying focus by the United States on Uganda's human rights record, corruption and governance issues. By targeting senior officials in the police, intelligence, and political sectors, the USA has signalled its intention to hold Ugandan leaders accountable for actions perceived as undermining human rights and democratic principles.

As more Ugandans are added to international sanctions lists, the impact on Uganda's international standing and diplomatic relations with Western nations may continue to grow.

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Remembering the enduring legacy of Mwalimu Nyerere

On October 14, 2024, hundreds of Ugandan pilgrims joined their Tanzanian counterparts to commemorate 25 years after Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's passing and 25 years of the revival of the East African Community (EAC).

The event took place at Nyerere's ancestral home and resting ground in Butiama in Tanzania's Mara region. Under the theme: Espousing Mwalimu Nyerere's Enduring Legacy and Values—Lessons for Mother Africa, the initiative was a result of the persuasion and conviction that the Journey to Mwalimu's Sainthood has heritage.

Organized by Afrika Mashariki, the travelling contingent chartered Uganda Airlines' Bombardier CRJ 900 from Entebbe to Mwanza and back, while others used two Kira Motors Kayoola Diesel coaches.

They included political leaders, university students, high school students, private sector actors, religious leaders, security officers and some cultural leaders. Among the high-profile figures were Gen Mugisha Muntu, MiriaObote, James Magode Ikuya, the state minister for East African Community Affairs, Paul Kisesa, the Tanzanian high commissioner to Uganda and Prof Mwebesa Ndebesa, among others.

During the dialogue, speaker after speaker praised Nyerere for his selflessness and putting the nation first, even though some of his policies did not succeed.

A pilgrim lays a wreath on Nyerere's final resting place

At one point, the pilgrims watched old videos of Nyerere, in which he advocated for the integration of the global south. He also spoke about zero tolerance for corruption and sectarianism.

Unsurprisingly, his message is still relevant today, so many years after his passing. At the end of the submissions, there was general conviction that a deeper reflection on Nyerere is essential to refocus the understanding and tackling of the challenges facing Africans today, especially the fight against corruption.

A JOURNEY FOR AGES

It is uncommon for a politician to receive reverence even decades after their death. At the pilgrimage in Butiama, what was even more impressive was the sight of hundreds of young, school-going children. They spoke of the awe they have for Mwalimu because of the simplicity he had for life and the humility of not leaving anyone behind.

"Being here makes you realise that material wealth is nothing without faith and concern about the well-being of others. In Mwalimu, we see someone who lived a life of purity," said one of the pilgrims who trekked all the way from Mwanza.

Beyond the pilgrimage, another thing that stood out was Tanzania's excellent road network and strict traffic laws. At a certain point, the buses had to stop at the weighbridge to have them weighed.

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DPP withdraws murder charges against Kisekwa court secretary

The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Jane Frances Abodo, has withdrawn charges against Milly Naluwenda, secretary for the court of Yakisekwa, who had been jointly charged with five others in connection with the murder of Ndiga clan leader Daniel Bbosa Kakeedo.

The murder, which took place on February 25, 2024, saw Bbosa fatally shot by assailants on motorcycles in Lungujja Kikandwa Division, Rubaga district. After spending eight months on remand, Naluwenda has now been released by principal grade one magistrate Adams Byarugaba, pending any other lawful charges.

Naluwenda appeared in court, dressed in a kitenge African dress and wearing two rosaries—one large one around her arm and a smaller one around her neck. Chief state attorney Lillian Omara informed the court of the DPP's decision to withdraw the charges, presenting a letter signed by Abodo.

No reasons were provided for the withdrawal, as Article 120 grants the DPP authority to initiate or withdraw charges at any stage before judgment, without the obligation to disclose the reasons. Upon hearing the court's decision, an emotional Naluwenda looked upwards while her relatives, present in the courtroom, clapped in relief.

Previously, Lujja Tabula, the prime suspect, testified that Naluwenda's involvement was limited to informing him of Lwomwa's murder. He asserted that she had contacted him only to share news of the incident and was not involved in any planning or execution of the crime.

Tabula has since pleaded for the release of the remaining co-accused, maintaining that all are innocent except for himself and Noah Lujja. With Naluwenda's charges withdrawn, five individuals remain implicated in the case.

The session continued with the reading of evidence intended for use against the remaining accused. The prosecution confirmed that inquiries are complete, and the case is now ready for commitment to the High court for trial.

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New book reveals Museveni’s clash with Britain over Russia

In his book, Unleashed, Boris Johnson offers an engaging and often revealing account of his experiences as both British foreign secretary and prime minister, with a particular focus on his travels in Africa.

Johnson's reflections are marked by his characteristic wit and directness, as he delves into the complexities of diplomacy, especially his
interactions with African leaders, most notably Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni.

Throughout the book, Johnson emphasizes the desire for "more Britain" in Africa, positioning himself as a leader who made significant efforts to strengthen ties with the continent.

He proudly notes that he visited more African nations than any foreign secretary in recent memory. However, Johnson's narrative is far from a simple recounting of diplomatic success. His portrayal of Museveni, whom he describes as an "ancient bush fighter," highlights the nuanced challenges of maintaining alliances with leaders whose values may diverge significantly from those of the West.

A key moment in Unleashed comes when Johnson discusses his attempts to rally support for Ukraine during a Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). His frustration is palpable as he recounts a heated exchange with Museveni, who openly disagreed with Johnson's condemnation of Russia's invasion.

Johnson paints Museveni as pragmatic, even sentimental about Britain's colonial past, but fiercely independent in his foreign policy decisions.

Museveni's blunt statement, "Putin gives us weapons," underscores the realities of Africa's geopolitical landscape, where military support and non-interference often trump Western ideals of democracy and human rights. Johnson is candid about his disappointment in failing to sway Commonwealth nations, including Uganda, to stand against Russia.

He contrasts Britain's cultural and economic ties to Africa—its language, universities and trade—with Russia's transactional approach, characterized by arms deals and a lack of moral scrutiny. For Johnson, the appeal of Russia and, by extension, its leader, Vladimir Putin, lies in their unyielding focus on power and self-interest, which resonates with many African governments.

The book's analysis of Russia's growing influence in Africa, despite the UK's historical connections and democratic values, adds a layer of urgency to Johnson's critique. The passage on Museveni also reflects Johnson's broader concerns about Britain's declining influence in Africa.

He points to Putin's ability to sidestep Western conventions on human rights and governance, positioning Russia as a convenient ally for many African states. This "no-questions-asked" approach, as Johnson describes it, has allowed Russia to carve out a significant role in African geopolitics, a development that Johnson finds both baffling and concerning.

Johnson's writing style in Unleashed swings between the conversational and the analytical, often blending personal stories with political commentary. His exchanges with Museveni are peppered with humour and irony, yet they reveal deeper frustrations with the global order, particularly the West's inability to counter Russia's growing presence in Africa.

In reflecting on his efforts to leverage the Commonwealth as a tool for British influence, Johnson ultimately questions why the UK has not done more to strengthen these historic ties. In sum, Unleashed provides a fascinating glimpse into Johnson's worldview and his reflections on Britain's role in international diplomacy.

The passages on Africa, and his interactions with Musev- eni in particular, highlight the complex interplay between ideology, power and pragmatism in global politics. Johnson's candidness about his frustrations and failures offers readers an honest, if at times provocative, assessment of the challenges facing Western nations in maintaining influence in regions where geopolitical interests increasingly outweigh shared values.

GEN MUHOOZI'S SUPPORT FOR RUSSIA

General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni and the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, has consistently voiced his strong support for Russia in recent years, aligning his views with those of his father. Through his social media presence, Kainerugaba has repeatedly emphasized Uganda's growing ties with Russia and its leadership, further solidifying his role in shaping Uganda's foreign policy narrative.

In a tweet dated August 4, 2024, Gen Kainerugaba reflected on his military delegation's visit to Moscow earlier that year, underscoring the symbolic importance of visiting Lenin's mausoleum. He described Lenin as "the grandfather of all revolutionaries on earth," drawing a parallel to how African patriots view the visit, comparing it to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

This statement highlights the deep ideological alignment Kainerugaba sees between Uganda's revolutionary past and Russia's historical influence. Earlier, on February 26, 2023, Kainerugaba made headlines when he announced his intention to embark on a diplomatic tour to both Russia and  Ukraine, with the goal of mediating in the ongoing conflict between the two nations.

He expressed a desire to meet both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, declaring it was "time to bring this insane war to an end."

Kainerugaba's pro-Russia stance was further solidified during his participation in the 2nd Russia-Africa Summit in St. Petersburg in August 2023. He praised Uganda's push for trade reforms, advocating for Russia and China to support the importation of only processed goods from industrializing nations like Uganda. He proudly endorsed President Museveni's call for historical allies to assist in Africa's industrialization efforts.

In an earlier statement on July 29, 2022, Kainerugaba hailed the historic visit of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Uganda, calling it a significant moment for both Uganda and Africa. He congratulated President Museveni and the Ugandan people for hosting Lavrov, highlighting it as the first of its kind for Africa and an important milestone in Uganda-Russia relations.

Through these public declarations, Kainerugaba continues to play a key role in reinforcing Uganda's strategic alignment with Russia, emphasizing both historical ties and shared geopolitical interests.

BELOW. READ EXTRACTS FROM BORIS' UNLEASHED

It was more or less the same story in Africa, where I visited more countries than any foreign secretary in living memory. They just wanted more Britain, especially in the places where Britain was already well known. I spent happy hours talking to Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, that ancient bush fighter who is so important for the peace of the region, from Somalia to Congo to Sudan.

He is crucial, and though we may disapprove of some of his prejudices (such as his 2014 ban on gay sex), we have to engage with him more; or else he will just talk to others instead. It was also another chance to rally support for Ukraine.

I had memories of the last CHOGM, four years earlier in London, when as foreign secretary I had shoved some language into the communiqué denouncing the Russians for the Salisbury poisonings, only to find that it had been whipped out again by the Commonwealth secretary-general, Baroness Scotland. This time, I thought, the case is overwhelming.

We are talking about an invasion, the murder of thousands of civilians – we must be able to get them to agree. Hah! In the first plenary session, I made what I thought was a reasonable argument against the invasion, only to find that my old friend Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda, was raising his hand.

'I do not agree with what Boris Johnson has said.' Generally, I got on famously with this merry-faced old fighter, who had helped overthrow the dictator Idi Amin. No one would pretend that Uganda under his rule is a perfect model of democratic pluralism – but it is a lot better than it was under Amin (who kept the heads of his opponents in the freezer).

Over the years Museveni and I had happy discussions of Land Rovers and cattle farming, and he always seemed to me to have a sentimental interest in – if not quite allegiance to – the old colonial power. As he once explained to me, his very name is a reminder that his father had fought for the 7th Battalion of the King's African Rifles: hence Museveni.

When it came to Putin and Ukraine, however, we were miles apart. He trotted out some of the Kremlin talking points: the nonsense about Nazis and terrorists in Ukraine, for instance. I tried my ace. Museveni is about eighty years old. He is one of the post-war generation of African rulers who took part in the unbundling of the British Empire.

Surely he could see what was happening. Putin's attack was a neo-colonialist assault on a newly independent state. It was naked imperialism. Surely he was anti-imperialist? It didn't wash. 'Putin gives us weapons,' he said simply – and there, I am afraid, he has a point.

Look around sub-Saharan Africa and you will find that Russia is the biggest supplier of weapons, with about 25 per cent of the market. Unlike some of us Western countries, Putin believes in a no-questions-asked approach. You got a problem with Islamists? says Moscow: we'll send the Wagner group! They will blow them away.

There is none of that onerous but necessary stuff about following the rules on international humanitarian law. The Russians don't preach about democracy, or press freedom, let alone the protection of LGBTQI communities. I am afraid that in many countries our delicious disputations on these subjects are viewed with bemusement if not outright hostility – not just by the leaders, but by many of the people themselves.

Putin doesn't give a damn about these complexities. On the contrary, he presents himself as the champion of old-fashioned family (or Christian) values. It is no wonder that his dark charisma proves so compelling with some audiences; and the result is that in Africa today there are far too many governments that are at best ambiguous on Ukraine, and plenty of places where – incredibly – you will see crowds of young men waving the Russian flag, as if to cock a snook at the west in general.

So, after Yoweri Museveni and I had argued each other to a standstill, I gave up, and the fifty-six countries of the Commonwealth contrived in their long communiqué to say nothing about Ukraine at all. Oh, except for a brief reference to the food shortages and price inflation, which Russian propaganda was blaming – in a demonic inversion of the truth – on the Western embargoes on Russia rather than on the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

It was infuriating. Let's face it – Britain is, or ought to be, a FAR more important partner, for these countries than Russia. The UK economy is much bigger and more diverse than the Russian economy; we trade more with most of them; we invest more.

Do they speak Russian? No. They speak English. Do they send their children to university in Russia? No – on the whole they vastly prefer universities in the UK, and quite rightly. Why are we so meekly allowing Russia – never mind China – to acquire this hold over Africa, and why don't we make better use of the Commonwealth?

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