In his book, Unleashed, Boris Johnson offers an engaging and often revealing account of his experiences as both British foreign secretary and prime minister, with a particular focus on his travels in Africa.
Johnson's reflections are marked by his characteristic wit and directness, as he delves into the complexities of diplomacy, especially his
interactions with African leaders, most notably Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni.
Throughout the book, Johnson emphasizes the desire for "more Britain" in Africa, positioning himself as a leader who made significant efforts to strengthen ties with the continent.
He proudly notes that he visited more African nations than any foreign secretary in recent memory. However, Johnson's narrative is far from a simple recounting of diplomatic success. His portrayal of Museveni, whom he describes as an "ancient bush fighter," highlights the nuanced challenges of maintaining alliances with leaders whose values may diverge significantly from those of the West.
A key moment in Unleashed comes when Johnson discusses his attempts to rally support for Ukraine during a Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). His frustration is palpable as he recounts a heated exchange with Museveni, who openly disagreed with Johnson's condemnation of Russia's invasion.
Johnson paints Museveni as pragmatic, even sentimental about Britain's colonial past, but fiercely independent in his foreign policy decisions.
Museveni's blunt statement, "Putin gives us weapons," underscores the realities of Africa's geopolitical landscape, where military support and non-interference often trump Western ideals of democracy and human rights. Johnson is candid about his disappointment in failing to sway Commonwealth nations, including Uganda, to stand against Russia.
He contrasts Britain's cultural and economic ties to Africa—its language, universities and trade—with Russia's transactional approach, characterized by arms deals and a lack of moral scrutiny. For Johnson, the appeal of Russia and, by extension, its leader, Vladimir Putin, lies in their unyielding focus on power and self-interest, which resonates with many African governments.
The book's analysis of Russia's growing influence in Africa, despite the UK's historical connections and democratic values, adds a layer of urgency to Johnson's critique. The passage on Museveni also reflects Johnson's broader concerns about Britain's declining influence in Africa.
He points to Putin's ability to sidestep Western conventions on human rights and governance, positioning Russia as a convenient ally for many African states. This "no-questions-asked" approach, as Johnson describes it, has allowed Russia to carve out a significant role in African geopolitics, a development that Johnson finds both baffling and concerning.
Johnson's writing style in Unleashed swings between the conversational and the analytical, often blending personal stories with political commentary. His exchanges with Museveni are peppered with humour and irony, yet they reveal deeper frustrations with the global order, particularly the West's inability to counter Russia's growing presence in Africa.
In reflecting on his efforts to leverage the Commonwealth as a tool for British influence, Johnson ultimately questions why the UK has not done more to strengthen these historic ties. In sum, Unleashed provides a fascinating glimpse into Johnson's worldview and his reflections on Britain's role in international diplomacy.
The passages on Africa, and his interactions with Musev- eni in particular, highlight the complex interplay between ideology, power and pragmatism in global politics. Johnson's candidness about his frustrations and failures offers readers an honest, if at times provocative, assessment of the challenges facing Western nations in maintaining influence in regions where geopolitical interests increasingly outweigh shared values.
GEN MUHOOZI'S SUPPORT FOR RUSSIA
General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni and the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, has consistently voiced his strong support for Russia in recent years, aligning his views with those of his father. Through his social media presence, Kainerugaba has repeatedly emphasized Uganda's growing ties with Russia and its leadership, further solidifying his role in shaping Uganda's foreign policy narrative.
In a tweet dated August 4, 2024, Gen Kainerugaba reflected on his military delegation's visit to Moscow earlier that year, underscoring the symbolic importance of visiting Lenin's mausoleum. He described Lenin as "the grandfather of all revolutionaries on earth," drawing a parallel to how African patriots view the visit, comparing it to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.
This statement highlights the deep ideological alignment Kainerugaba sees between Uganda's revolutionary past and Russia's historical influence. Earlier, on February 26, 2023, Kainerugaba made headlines when he announced his intention to embark on a diplomatic tour to both Russia and Ukraine, with the goal of mediating in the ongoing conflict between the two nations.
He expressed a desire to meet both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, declaring it was "time to bring this insane war to an end."
Kainerugaba's pro-Russia stance was further solidified during his participation in the 2nd Russia-Africa Summit in St. Petersburg in August 2023. He praised Uganda's push for trade reforms, advocating for Russia and China to support the importation of only processed goods from industrializing nations like Uganda. He proudly endorsed President Museveni's call for historical allies to assist in Africa's industrialization efforts.
In an earlier statement on July 29, 2022, Kainerugaba hailed the historic visit of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Uganda, calling it a significant moment for both Uganda and Africa. He congratulated President Museveni and the Ugandan people for hosting Lavrov, highlighting it as the first of its kind for Africa and an important milestone in Uganda-Russia relations.
Through these public declarations, Kainerugaba continues to play a key role in reinforcing Uganda's strategic alignment with Russia, emphasizing both historical ties and shared geopolitical interests.
BELOW. READ EXTRACTS FROM BORIS' UNLEASHED
It was more or less the same story in Africa, where I visited more countries than any foreign secretary in living memory. They just wanted more Britain, especially in the places where Britain was already well known. I spent happy hours talking to Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, that ancient bush fighter who is so important for the peace of the region, from Somalia to Congo to Sudan.
He is crucial, and though we may disapprove of some of his prejudices (such as his 2014 ban on gay sex), we have to engage with him more; or else he will just talk to others instead. It was also another chance to rally support for Ukraine.
I had memories of the last CHOGM, four years earlier in London, when as foreign secretary I had shoved some language into the communiqué denouncing the Russians for the Salisbury poisonings, only to find that it had been whipped out again by the Commonwealth secretary-general, Baroness Scotland. This time, I thought, the case is overwhelming.
We are talking about an invasion, the murder of thousands of civilians – we must be able to get them to agree. Hah! In the first plenary session, I made what I thought was a reasonable argument against the invasion, only to find that my old friend Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda, was raising his hand.
'I do not agree with what Boris Johnson has said.' Generally, I got on famously with this merry-faced old fighter, who had helped overthrow the dictator Idi Amin. No one would pretend that Uganda under his rule is a perfect model of democratic pluralism – but it is a lot better than it was under Amin (who kept the heads of his opponents in the freezer).
Over the years Museveni and I had happy discussions of Land Rovers and cattle farming, and he always seemed to me to have a sentimental interest in – if not quite allegiance to – the old colonial power. As he once explained to me, his very name is a reminder that his father had fought for the 7th Battalion of the King's African Rifles: hence Museveni.
When it came to Putin and Ukraine, however, we were miles apart. He trotted out some of the Kremlin talking points: the nonsense about Nazis and terrorists in Ukraine, for instance. I tried my ace. Museveni is about eighty years old. He is one of the post-war generation of African rulers who took part in the unbundling of the British Empire.
Surely he could see what was happening. Putin's attack was a neo-colonialist assault on a newly independent state. It was naked imperialism. Surely he was anti-imperialist? It didn't wash. 'Putin gives us weapons,' he said simply – and there, I am afraid, he has a point.
Look around sub-Saharan Africa and you will find that Russia is the biggest supplier of weapons, with about 25 per cent of the market. Unlike some of us Western countries, Putin believes in a no-questions-asked approach. You got a problem with Islamists? says Moscow: we'll send the Wagner group! They will blow them away.
There is none of that onerous but necessary stuff about following the rules on international humanitarian law. The Russians don't preach about democracy, or press freedom, let alone the protection of LGBTQI communities. I am afraid that in many countries our delicious disputations on these subjects are viewed with bemusement if not outright hostility – not just by the leaders, but by many of the people themselves.
Putin doesn't give a damn about these complexities. On the contrary, he presents himself as the champion of old-fashioned family (or Christian) values. It is no wonder that his dark charisma proves so compelling with some audiences; and the result is that in Africa today there are far too many governments that are at best ambiguous on Ukraine, and plenty of places where – incredibly – you will see crowds of young men waving the Russian flag, as if to cock a snook at the west in general.
So, after Yoweri Museveni and I had argued each other to a standstill, I gave up, and the fifty-six countries of the Commonwealth contrived in their long communiqué to say nothing about Ukraine at all. Oh, except for a brief reference to the food shortages and price inflation, which Russian propaganda was blaming – in a demonic inversion of the truth – on the Western embargoes on Russia rather than on the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
It was infuriating. Let's face it – Britain is, or ought to be, a FAR more important partner, for these countries than Russia. The UK economy is much bigger and more diverse than the Russian economy; we trade more with most of them; we invest more.
Do they speak Russian? No. They speak English. Do they send their children to university in Russia? No – on the whole they vastly prefer universities in the UK, and quite rightly. Why are we so meekly allowing Russia – never mind China – to acquire this hold over Africa, and why don't we make better use of the Commonwealth?
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