Ex-Kyengera mayor ordered to pay Shs 150m to 2020 lockdown torture victims

The High court in Kampala has ordered Kyengera town council and its former mayor, Hajji Abdul Kiyimba to compensate the 20 people who were tortured after their arrest during the 2020 Covid-19 lockdown.

Civil Division judge Dr Douglas Singiza, ordered that each of the tortured victims be awarded Shs 5 million as general damages and Shs 2.5 million as exemplary damages - payable equally by Kiyimba and Kyengera town council.

"Considering the circumstances under which 1st to 20th applicants were arrested and the debasing language that was used at a time when every segment of society was vulnerable due to the Covid-19 pandemic, I consider that the award of UGX 2,500,000 as exemplary damages to each of the 1st– 20th applicants, payable equally by Hajji Kiyimba and Kyengera town council, to be sufficient," said Singiza.

Records before the court indicate that during the Covid-19 pandemic and the lockdown measures taken by President Museveni in March 2020, several stringent measures were adopted that limited several rights of the public. The suspension of public and private transport, closure of schools and bars, banning of social events, closure of places of worship, and the imposition of a curfew were among the interventions to protect the population from the pandemic.

As part of the enforcement of the Covid-19 restrictions, the victims while living in a community residence in Nkokonjeru 'A' village in Kyengera town council, Wakiso district, were arrested on March 29, 2020 by police and other state authorities and allegedly tortured. Following their arrest, they sued Kiyimba, principal officer Philemon Woniala, Kyengera town council and the Attorney General in their case before the High court.

They told the court that on the morning of the said date, their residence was invaded by a mob, among which were the respondents, that subjected them to all manner of torture because they were allegedly practising homosexuality.

Through their lawyers including Adrian Juuko, executive director of Human Rights Awareness and Promotion Forum (HRAPF), they said that the actions of torture included beating, hitting, burning using a hot piece of firewood, undressing, tying, binding, conducting anal examinations, and inflicting other forms of physical, mental and psychological violence based on the suspicion that they are homosexuals, an allegation they deny.

As a result, based on the same suspicion, the victims were then arrested, taken to Nkokonjeru B police station, and charged with doing a negligent act likely to spread infection by disease.

They were charged before the Mpigi Chief Magistrate's court and remanded to Kitalya Mini-Max Prison, where they were again allegedly beaten, examined, harassed, and subjected to discrimination. They further accused Kiyimba of inviting journalists and members of the public to enter the premises to witness, observe, photograph, and videograph the 23 arrested youths on the grounds that they were homosexuals, during which time Kiyimba hurled insults at the arrested persons. 

The victims further said that they were hit with a big stick, after which they were ordered to march in single file to Nkokonjeru police post. Court further heard that while at Kitalya prison, the prisons officer separately ordered Ashraff Walugembe to strip naked in the presence of other prisoners and burnt him between the thighs with a piece of burning wood. Furthermore, a one Akankwasa, one of the prison warders, ordered a prisoner to conduct an anal examination on Rodney Sheema.

HRAPF filed a complaint with the Attorney General, requesting that the alleged violations be investigated, but received no response, prompting the applicant to approach the High court. In his decision, Singiza ruled that the applicants were subjected to several acts of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment, and violation of their privacy by the respondents. The judge said that there was no evidence however that they were tortured because of being homosexuals. 

"However, it has not been proved that the way in which they were treated differed from how other persons who breached the Covid-19 restrictions, or indeed any other criminal suspects, are ordinarily treated," said Singiza.

The judge stated that oftentimes, acts of discrimination take place behind closed doors and that all that is left for evidence are the complainants' verbal accounts and recollections vis-à-vis the respondents' denials. But adds that it would be a dangerous precedent to treat every unsupported claim of discrimination as a violation of their rights.

He analysed the Human Rights Enforcement Act and found that individuals who violate the rights of others should be held personally liable as opposed to leaving it to the government to pay using taxpayer's money, and thus ordered Kiyimba to also meet the consequences of his actions.

"In the light of the framework under the HREA, this court takes the view that liability for human rights violations ought to be shouldered proportionally by the individual perpetrators and their principals, usually government agencies, so that the pain and cost of violations is distributed and felt across the board as opposed to leaving it to the taxpayer," held Singiza.

The beneficiaries of the judgement are: Henry Mukiibi, Ashraf Walugembe, Saddam Katerrega, Ivan Kawooya, Joel Edward Oketch, Raj Juuko, Dennis Ssamula, Jackson Ssendagire Mayanja, Rodney Sheema, Tevin Harris Kifuba, Mark Muhereza, Jabel Tushabomwe, Abbey Gwaivu, Andrew Kibalama,  Ronald Ssenyonga, Yahaya Muyomba,  Douglas Tumuhimbise,  James Tindyebwa, Kelvin Kugonza, Karim Yiga.

In 2020, another High court judge Michael Elubu awarded the same group Shs 95 million after they sued the government for having denied them a right to be accessed by their lawyers after being arrested during the lockdown.

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Shs 500m of counterfeit cash found in PostBank vault in Mbale

Government-owned PostBank Uganda has acknowledged a serious "incident" at its Mbale branch involving over Shs 500 million in counterfeit currency discovered in the bank's vault.

The situation came to light after a customer was apprehended with fake Shs 50,000 notes. Upon questioning, the customer revealed that the money had been withdrawn directly from the PostBank Mbale branch.

In a brief statement, PostBank referred to the issue as an "anomaly" and confirmed that investigations are underway.

"We are aware of an anomaly that recently occurred at our Mbale branch and are working with the relevant authorities to complete the investigation and follow the necessary next steps," the statement read.

The bank refrained from providing further details, citing the ongoing investigations.

Reports indicate that the counterfeit scandal has led to arrests, including some PostBank officials. The incident has raised concerns about internal controls within the institution, especially since the bank primarily serves public servants who receive their salaries through its branches across the country.

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Justice Esther Kisaakye flees into exile, cites threats to her life

Supreme court judge Dr Esther Kitimbo Kisaakye has fled to exile, fearing for her life due to ongoing threats, according to documents obtained by URN.

The documents, including a series of emails, written by Washington-based law firm Covington & Burling LLP outline the situation in which Kisaakye is living.

"Justice Kisaakye continued to live in fear for her life based on reports of threats she continued to receive," reads one of the documents. 

It adds Kisakye fled the country out of fear for her life and now lives in exile. The acquired materials added that in July 2023, Kisaakye received a report of an imminent threat to her life from her lawyer, which they had received from a person who identified himself as a member of one of the security agencies in Uganda. 

The materials received, addressed to several organizations including the Centre for Human Rights, International Bar Association Human Rights Institute, International Commission of Jurists, Lawyers for Lawyers, and the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, reveal ongoing efforts to raise awareness about Kisaakye's situation. 

The law firm is mobilizing support and coordinating initiatives to bring attention to her plight as a judge in exile who is facing retaliation for fulfilling her judicial responsibilities, with her safety still at risk. Kisaakye's challenges date back to 2021 when she disagreed with eight justices over decisions related to the presidential election petition filed by former candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, also known as Bobi Wine challenging the election of President Yoweri Museveni for the sixth term.

Kyagulanyi had sought the court's permission to amend and also introduce new evidence to support his election petition. However, the eight justices, led by Chief Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, dismissed the application, citing the strict timelines for determining presidential election petitions, which, they argued, could not be amended.

Kisaakye accused the chief justice of attempting to suppress her constitutional right to deliver a minority judgment in which she disagreed with the rest of the panel. She claimed her judgment was confiscated. Despite this, using a duplicate copy, Kisaakye delivered her minority judgment.

With the lights and speakers switched off, she sat alone on the bench, as the eight other justices and the respondents' lawyers had left the room. According to materials from Covington & Burling LLP, these events were followed by two and a half years of persecution, discrimination, and retaliation against Kisaakye by the chief justice and other Supreme court staff.

The retaliation took different forms which included; removing her as an administrative judge, denying her any new work, removal of her research officer, denying of leave and medical benefits, and falsely accusing her of failure to write judgments in appeals when she was not a member of the coram or the designated judge to originate the lead judgments.

In April 2021, the Uganda Judicial Service Commission initiated an inquiry into Kisaakye's conduct. Two months later, the permanent secretary of the judiciary suspended her salary and benefits for two and a half months, citing ongoing covert investigations by the Commission. 

By October 2022, after failing to resolve her issues through internal processes within the Ugandan judiciary and other relevant institutions, Kisaakye filed a petition in the Constitutional court. In her petition, she sought several declarations stating that the actions and omissions of five respondents—namely the chief justice of Uganda, the permanent secretary of the judiciary, the Judicial Service Commission, the attorney general, and the chief registrar and commissioner of Human Resources, violated her rights under Uganda's Constitution and undermined judicial independence. 

Despite her petition, the Judicial Service Commission continued its work, and in February 2023, it issued a report recommending that the President of Uganda establish a tribunal to investigate whether Kisaakye should be removed from office for alleged misconduct that occurred on March 18 and 19, 2021.

As a lawyer, Kisaakye took action by filing another petition to quash the commission's report and to postpone the appointment of the tribunal until her initial petition was resolved. however, her case has never been granted any hearing dates.

In the set of documents received by URN, it is indicated that; "Unofficially, Justice Kisaakye received information that the deputy chief justice, who will be retiring at the end of the year, is not willing to cause list her Petitions and applications, and that many judges at the Constitutional court were also not ready to hear her Petitions and applications either, because of the political sensitivities involved." 

With more than seven years left on her term serving on the Supreme court bench, Kisaakye sought to bring an early end to her career by informing the appointing authority, the President, of her decision in a letter dated July 18.

In her letter, she challenged the constitutionality of various administrative actions taken against her, including being investigated on allegations without the disclosure of specific offences, the freezing of her salary, and her removal as head of administration of the Supreme court. Kisaakye's resignation came five months after the Judicial Service Commission recommended her removal from office due to alleged misconduct and a verbal confrontation with Chief Justice Owiny-Dollo regarding the 2021 presidential election petition. 

In response to her resignation and the letter from the Judicial Service Commission, President Museveni chose to reject her resignation. He stated that while he could not obstruct her wishes, her decision to resign would "preempt the work of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry or the tribunal."  

Kisaakye has also since filed another petition in the Supreme court challenging the legality of the president's decision to stop her from taking early retirement. She noted that despite the refusal to accept her retirement, she has not been given any work in the judiciary since.

"Whereas my early retirement was unconstitutionally denied by the President, I have also been denied any judicial work at the Supreme court and as a result, I have been kept in a state of being neither a serving justice nor as a retired justice of the Supreme court," Kisaakye's affidavit in support of her application reads in part.

When contacted, Covington & Burling LLP, confirmed assisting Kisaakye with her advocacy efforts in promoting the rule of law, good governance, and judicial independence in Uganda and beyond. 

"In 2022 and 2023, Justice Kisaakye filed two constitutional petitions with the Constitutional Court of Uganda seeking to protect judicial independence and halt the Judicial Service Commission's unconstitutional inquiry.  Thus far, the Constitutional court has failed to follow its duties to hear constitutional cases expeditiously and in the order in which they have been received, as other cases filed after Justice Kisaakye's have been adjudicated.  We are aware that Justice Kisaakye has now filed a third constitutional petition seeking the Ugandan Government's recognition of her retirement from the Supreme Court and the full payment of her retirement benefits," an email signed by Amanda Reisinger from the law firm reads in part. 

The spokesperson of the Judiciary Ereemye Mawanda didn't respond to our messages and phone calls to his known telephone.  

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Kampala deputy mayor’s brother shot dead in Ntinda robbery

Albert Cook Tugume, a brother of Kampala deputy mayor Doreen Nyanjura, was shot dead in a robbery on Ntinda-Kigowa Road, Kampala, on Thursday evening.

Police have described the incident as an act of aggravated robbery. Tugume, who operated a mobile money kiosk in the area, was reportedly held at gunpoint by the assailants before being fatally shot. Another individual was injured during the attack, though their identity and condition remain undisclosed.

Nyanjura shared the tragic news on X (formerly Twitter), stating:

"My brother Tugume Albert Cook has been abducted at gunpoint from Central Road, Ntinda-Kigowa Road. One person has been shot dead. He operates a mobile money shop."

Kampala Metropolitan deputy police spokesperson briefly acknowledged the incident in a statement on X, confirming that officers from Kira Road police station had responded to the scene.

Further details about the robbery, including the suspects and the motive, remain unclear as police investigations continue.

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Ugandan soldiers killed in al-Shabab mortar attack in Somalia

Two African Union soldiers were killed and a third one injured by an al-Shabab mortar attack Sunday on their base inside the perimeters of Mogadishu's international airport.

A statement by the head of the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) and Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission Mohamed El-Amine Souef condemned the attack on the facility known as the Halane Base Camp. It's believed that a 107mm rocket was used for the attack. At least four mortar rounds were reportedly fired during the attack.

"The heinous attack will not deter us and the Somali security forces from pursuing lasting peace and in Somalia," Souef said in the statement posted on X, formerly Twitter. "We reaffirm our unwavering commitment to combat terrorism and build a peaceful and prosperous Somalia."

The statement did not specify the nationality of the soldiers killed, but an AU official told VOA's Horn of Africa that the soldiers who were killed and the one soldier injured are Ugandans.

"ATMIS extends its deepest sympathies and condolences to the families, friends, and relatives of those who lost their lives and wishes a quick recovery to those injured during the attack," Souef said.

The AU senior leadership team later visited the site of the blasts. The al-Shabab militant group claimed responsibility for the attack. In a statement posted on one of its websites, the group claimed the mortars killed "white and black officers."

Despite being driven out of Mogadishu in 2011, the group, from time to time, manages to carry out mortar attacks that hit Mogadishu's airport, which is a base for the AU as well as some foreign embassies.

Al-Shabab mortars have also targeted residential areas in Mogadishu and have claimed the lives of civilians.

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Ugandan police defy orders to avoid sanctions

Ugandan police officers are reportedly defying official directives largely to avoid sanctions from the USA and European countries, The Observer has learned.

In September, the USA Department of State imposed sanctions on four Uganda Police Force (UPF) officers for their alleged involvement in serious human rights violations, including torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.

These sanctions mark a significant move by the USA, targeting high-ranking UPF officers as part of an accountability initiative aimed at addressing abuses within Uganda's security forces. The officers under sanction include figures alleged to have orchestrated or condoned actions that directly violate international human rights standards.

This development places increased pressure on Uganda's police force to review practices and oversight mechanisms, yet some officers appear resistant to internal directives designed to mitigate further international scrutiny. Among those designated are Bob Kagarura, former Wamala Regional Police Commander; Alex Mwine, former District Police Commander for Mityana; Elly Womanya, a former Senior Commissioner and Deputy Director of the UPF's Criminal Investigations Division overseeing the Special Investigations Unit (SIU); and Hamdani Twesigye, then-Deputy Inspector of Police assigned to the SIU.

According to US Department of State spokesperson Matthew Miller, these sanctions make Kagarura, Mwine, Womanya, Twesigye, and their immediate families ineligible for entry into the United States. Miller affirmed the credibility of allegations against these officers, which were corroborated by Ugandan civil court documents, civil society organisations, and independent journalists.

"The United States, by publicly designating these individuals, reaffirms its commitment to upholding human rights for all Ugandans and ensuring accountability for human rights violations," Miller stated.

BACKGROUND OF THE SANCTIONS

The sanctions stem from a high- profile case involving Mityana County MP Francis Zaake, whose arrest and alleged mistreatment drew national and international attention. Zaake was apprehended at his home in Mityana in 2020 for distributing food during the Covid-19 lockdown, allegedly in violation of ministry of Health standard operating procedures.

Following his arrest, Zaake was held at Mityana police station before being transferred to the Police Special Investigations Directorate (SID) at Kireka, where he claims he experienced severe abuse. Zaake contends that during his detention, police officers conducted a search of his home without a warrant, and that he endured physical abuse, including beatings, pepper spray, and verbal harassment directed at his ethnicity and political affiliations.

Additionally, he claims he was detained in ungazetted facilities. Although Nakawa Chief Magistrate's court ordered his unconditional release on April 27, 2020, Zaake was instead released on police bond two days later. Zaake subsequently filed a lawsuit in 2020 against the attorney general and the officers allegedly involved in his mistreatment, including the recently sanctioned Kagarura, Mwine, Womanya and Twesigye.

His complaint outlined that he was held incommunicado, subjected to torture, and detained without trial in multiple locations, including Mityana police station, Uganda Police Force's Special Investigations Unit headquarters at Kireka, the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence headquarters in Mbuya, and two hospitals.

Most of these sites, he claimed, are not officially designated detention centres. In August 2021, High court judge Esta Nambayo ruled that the physical harm inflicted on Zaake during his detention constituted a violation of his fundamental rights to dignity and freedom from torture and awarded him Shs 75 million in compensation.

BROADER IMPLICATIONS FOR UGANDA'S POLICE FORCE

The USA sanctions represent a significant diplomatic move, signalling a growing international focus on human rights practices within Uganda's law enforcement agencies. The sanctions not only restrict travel for the designated officers and their families but also serve as a statement on accountability in cases of human rights violations.

The sanctions come amid broader concerns within Uganda about law enforcement practices, transparency, and the treatment of political dissidents and opposition figures. By sanctioning these officers, the United States and its allies underscore the potential for diplomatic repercussions when international human rights standards are not met.

The move also aligns with global efforts to address human rights abuses and highlights ongoing challenges within Uganda's judicial and law enforcement systems in upholding the rule of law and ensuring fair treatment for all citizens. The developments in the Zaake case, combined with the sanctions, may pressure Ugandan authorities to reassess police procedures, particularly regarding arrests, detention practices, and respect for citizens' rights.

As Uganda's political and legal landscape evolves, the international community's response to such cases will likely continue to shape dialogue around human rights and accountability in the country.

IMPACT OF SANCTIONS ON UGANDA'S POLICE FORCE: INSIGHTS FROM THE FIELD

Sanctions imposed by the United States and other countries on Ugandan police officers have stirred a mixed response within the ranks of law enforcement, according to officers interviewed for this report. While the sanctions have underscored accountability for human rights violations, they have also contributed to frustration, diminished morale, and fear among police personnel.

One officer reflected on the dual impact of the sanctions.

"I believe it has affected us both positively and negatively. The sanctioned commanders often express their frustration, blaming us for their blacklisting, even though we're simply following orders. They claim these orders come from higher up," the officer stated.

This sentiment reflects a prevailing tension between field officers, who face frontline accountability, and their commanders, who direct operations but often do not defend their subordinates when situations escalate. The sanctions have also led to increased caution among officers, as they are reminded of the potential repercussions of their actions.

"We were briefed about the recently sanctioned officers and reminded that our actions have consequences. Some leaders advise us to handle orders thoughtfully and avoid unnecessary confrontations," the officer explained.

However, another source noted that senior officers frequently attribute the sanctions to the actions of field officers, whom they accuse of responding too aggressively under pressure.

"Our bosses often blame field officers, saying we act under stress and end up mistreating people. Since the USA. began imposing sanctions, there has been a noticeable decrease in human rights abuses during and after protests," he observed.

This awareness of potential repercussions has contributed to a shift in the way officers approach protest crackdowns. During a recent demonstration against the speaker of parliament and the East Africa crude oil pipeline, officers were instructed to handle the situation carefully to protect the reputation of the police force.

According to an insider, "If you look closely, you'll see there was no impunity or arrogance in the recent arrests. Officers have lost morale, and some even claim to be indisposed to avoid participation in actions that could lead to sanctions."

Low morale has become a recurring theme among officers, especially within the Field Force Unit (FFU). An officer described the situation as a no-win scenario: "They give us orders and direct us to execute them. But if we don't succeed, we face charges; if we follow them too aggressively, we're reprimanded. So, what do they expect us to do?"

In an effort to address the mounting concerns among younger officers, the director of Counter-Terrorism recently held a career discussion, emphasising that accountability for human rights violations will continue, extending beyond those already sanctioned.

"We are serving the Republic of Uganda, not just the current government," he told the officers. "A time will come when the government will change, but young officers will still be here. Many senior officers are already in the 'red zone' with tarnished reputations. They have little chance of serving beyond this government."

The speech appeared to resonate deeply with the officers, who are increasingly aware of the long-term implications of their actions. "He told us the truth," one officer recalled.

"If something were to happen now and the government changes, those in power won't be there to protect us. We, the younger officers, will still be here, expected to serve the nation. Many of our seniors are already sanctioned and may not have careers beyond this administration."

Another officer noted that the fear induced by USA sanctions has grown within the police force. However, due to the structured chain of command, declining deployment orders is rarely an option. "Like the military, police operate on orders; you can't decline a deployment. When a commander orders you to take action, you follow through. Refusing isn't an option," he said, underscoring the rigidity of the police structure.

These sanctions have cast a shadow over the force's reputation, both internally and in the public eye.

"The sanctions tarnish our image as an institution and in the eyes of the public. We are often perceived as rogue armed individuals who disregard human rights," the officer added.

For many low- ranking officers, the sanctions have complicated their roles, often making them bear the brunt of public criticism despite acting on orders.

"It's clear we are following directives, but we're the ones who end up facing the consequences," he said.

As sanctions continue to shape the dynamics within Uganda's police force, the effects are felt at every level—from senior commanders to frontline officers. The unfolding consequences of these international pressures are reshaping attitudes within the force, fostering greater caution, and challenging the balance between executing orders and respecting human rights.

POLICE ADDRESS RECENT SANCTIONS AS LIST OF BLACKLISTED UGANDANS GROWS

In response to recent USA sanctions imposed on Ugandan police officers, police spokesperson Rusoke Kituuma stated that the Ugandan police institution has Maj Gen Tumusiime Katsigazi opted not to formally respond, citing the absence of direct communication from the USA government.

"When a foreign government has not communicated, and we can choose whether to respond or not," Rusoke told The Observer, underscoring the institution's stance of selective engagement with foreign sanctions.

EXPANSION OF THE USA SANCTIONS LIST IN UGANDA

The latest round of sanctions adds to an expanding roster of high-profile Ugandans who have been blacklisted by the United States over the years for alleged corruption, human rights abuses and other serious violations.

In 2018, former Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa, who served as president of the UN General Assembly from 2014 to 2015, was implicated in a bribery scandal involving Chinese national Patrick Ho of the China Energy Fund Committee (CEFC). Kutesa was accused of accepting a $500,000 bribe from Ho to secure "business advantages" for the Chinese energy corporation.

Although Kutesa has denied any wrongdoing, his inclusion on the USA watchlist brought significant scrutiny to Uganda's handling of high-level corruption. Former Inspector General of Police (IGP) General Kale Kayihura, a prominent figure in Uganda's security sector, faced USA sanctions in 2019 for alleged involvement in corruption, human rights abuses, and bribery.

The U.S. Department of Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) accused Kayihura of leading a police force known for serious human rights abuses against Ugandan citizens. In a statement, Treasury under secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Sigal Mandelker stated, "We are targeting Uganda's former police inspector general Kale Kayihura for using corruption and bribery to strengthen his political position, as units under his command committed serious human rights abuses."

The sanctions extended to Kayihura's immediate family, affecting their access to USA assets and travel. In December 2021, Major General Abel Kandiho, former head of the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI), was also sanctioned by OFAC. Kandiho was implicated alongside high-profile Iranian and Syrian officials in allegations of serious human rights abuses.

According to the Treasury Department, Kandiho's tenure at CMI was marked by repressive measures targeting civilians, political dissidents, and peaceful protesters.

IMPLICATIONS FOR UGANDA'S INTERNATIONAL REPUTATION

These sanctions reflect an intensifying focus by the United States on Uganda's human rights record, corruption and governance issues. By targeting senior officials in the police, intelligence, and political sectors, the USA has signalled its intention to hold Ugandan leaders accountable for actions perceived as undermining human rights and democratic principles.

As more Ugandans are added to international sanctions lists, the impact on Uganda's international standing and diplomatic relations with Western nations may continue to grow.

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Remembering the enduring legacy of Mwalimu Nyerere

On October 14, 2024, hundreds of Ugandan pilgrims joined their Tanzanian counterparts to commemorate 25 years after Mwalimu Julius Nyerere's passing and 25 years of the revival of the East African Community (EAC).

The event took place at Nyerere's ancestral home and resting ground in Butiama in Tanzania's Mara region. Under the theme: Espousing Mwalimu Nyerere's Enduring Legacy and Values—Lessons for Mother Africa, the initiative was a result of the persuasion and conviction that the Journey to Mwalimu's Sainthood has heritage.

Organized by Afrika Mashariki, the travelling contingent chartered Uganda Airlines' Bombardier CRJ 900 from Entebbe to Mwanza and back, while others used two Kira Motors Kayoola Diesel coaches.

They included political leaders, university students, high school students, private sector actors, religious leaders, security officers and some cultural leaders. Among the high-profile figures were Gen Mugisha Muntu, MiriaObote, James Magode Ikuya, the state minister for East African Community Affairs, Paul Kisesa, the Tanzanian high commissioner to Uganda and Prof Mwebesa Ndebesa, among others.

During the dialogue, speaker after speaker praised Nyerere for his selflessness and putting the nation first, even though some of his policies did not succeed.

A pilgrim lays a wreath on Nyerere's final resting place

At one point, the pilgrims watched old videos of Nyerere, in which he advocated for the integration of the global south. He also spoke about zero tolerance for corruption and sectarianism.

Unsurprisingly, his message is still relevant today, so many years after his passing. At the end of the submissions, there was general conviction that a deeper reflection on Nyerere is essential to refocus the understanding and tackling of the challenges facing Africans today, especially the fight against corruption.

A JOURNEY FOR AGES

It is uncommon for a politician to receive reverence even decades after their death. At the pilgrimage in Butiama, what was even more impressive was the sight of hundreds of young, school-going children. They spoke of the awe they have for Mwalimu because of the simplicity he had for life and the humility of not leaving anyone behind.

"Being here makes you realise that material wealth is nothing without faith and concern about the well-being of others. In Mwalimu, we see someone who lived a life of purity," said one of the pilgrims who trekked all the way from Mwanza.

Beyond the pilgrimage, another thing that stood out was Tanzania's excellent road network and strict traffic laws. At a certain point, the buses had to stop at the weighbridge to have them weighed.

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DPP withdraws murder charges against Kisekwa court secretary

The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Jane Frances Abodo, has withdrawn charges against Milly Naluwenda, secretary for the court of Yakisekwa, who had been jointly charged with five others in connection with the murder of Ndiga clan leader Daniel Bbosa Kakeedo.

The murder, which took place on February 25, 2024, saw Bbosa fatally shot by assailants on motorcycles in Lungujja Kikandwa Division, Rubaga district. After spending eight months on remand, Naluwenda has now been released by principal grade one magistrate Adams Byarugaba, pending any other lawful charges.

Naluwenda appeared in court, dressed in a kitenge African dress and wearing two rosaries—one large one around her arm and a smaller one around her neck. Chief state attorney Lillian Omara informed the court of the DPP's decision to withdraw the charges, presenting a letter signed by Abodo.

No reasons were provided for the withdrawal, as Article 120 grants the DPP authority to initiate or withdraw charges at any stage before judgment, without the obligation to disclose the reasons. Upon hearing the court's decision, an emotional Naluwenda looked upwards while her relatives, present in the courtroom, clapped in relief.

Previously, Lujja Tabula, the prime suspect, testified that Naluwenda's involvement was limited to informing him of Lwomwa's murder. He asserted that she had contacted him only to share news of the incident and was not involved in any planning or execution of the crime.

Tabula has since pleaded for the release of the remaining co-accused, maintaining that all are innocent except for himself and Noah Lujja. With Naluwenda's charges withdrawn, five individuals remain implicated in the case.

The session continued with the reading of evidence intended for use against the remaining accused. The prosecution confirmed that inquiries are complete, and the case is now ready for commitment to the High court for trial.

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New book reveals Museveni’s clash with Britain over Russia

In his book, Unleashed, Boris Johnson offers an engaging and often revealing account of his experiences as both British foreign secretary and prime minister, with a particular focus on his travels in Africa.

Johnson's reflections are marked by his characteristic wit and directness, as he delves into the complexities of diplomacy, especially his
interactions with African leaders, most notably Uganda's president Yoweri Museveni.

Throughout the book, Johnson emphasizes the desire for "more Britain" in Africa, positioning himself as a leader who made significant efforts to strengthen ties with the continent.

He proudly notes that he visited more African nations than any foreign secretary in recent memory. However, Johnson's narrative is far from a simple recounting of diplomatic success. His portrayal of Museveni, whom he describes as an "ancient bush fighter," highlights the nuanced challenges of maintaining alliances with leaders whose values may diverge significantly from those of the West.

A key moment in Unleashed comes when Johnson discusses his attempts to rally support for Ukraine during a Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM). His frustration is palpable as he recounts a heated exchange with Museveni, who openly disagreed with Johnson's condemnation of Russia's invasion.

Johnson paints Museveni as pragmatic, even sentimental about Britain's colonial past, but fiercely independent in his foreign policy decisions.

Museveni's blunt statement, "Putin gives us weapons," underscores the realities of Africa's geopolitical landscape, where military support and non-interference often trump Western ideals of democracy and human rights. Johnson is candid about his disappointment in failing to sway Commonwealth nations, including Uganda, to stand against Russia.

He contrasts Britain's cultural and economic ties to Africa—its language, universities and trade—with Russia's transactional approach, characterized by arms deals and a lack of moral scrutiny. For Johnson, the appeal of Russia and, by extension, its leader, Vladimir Putin, lies in their unyielding focus on power and self-interest, which resonates with many African governments.

The book's analysis of Russia's growing influence in Africa, despite the UK's historical connections and democratic values, adds a layer of urgency to Johnson's critique. The passage on Museveni also reflects Johnson's broader concerns about Britain's declining influence in Africa.

He points to Putin's ability to sidestep Western conventions on human rights and governance, positioning Russia as a convenient ally for many African states. This "no-questions-asked" approach, as Johnson describes it, has allowed Russia to carve out a significant role in African geopolitics, a development that Johnson finds both baffling and concerning.

Johnson's writing style in Unleashed swings between the conversational and the analytical, often blending personal stories with political commentary. His exchanges with Museveni are peppered with humour and irony, yet they reveal deeper frustrations with the global order, particularly the West's inability to counter Russia's growing presence in Africa.

In reflecting on his efforts to leverage the Commonwealth as a tool for British influence, Johnson ultimately questions why the UK has not done more to strengthen these historic ties. In sum, Unleashed provides a fascinating glimpse into Johnson's worldview and his reflections on Britain's role in international diplomacy.

The passages on Africa, and his interactions with Musev- eni in particular, highlight the complex interplay between ideology, power and pragmatism in global politics. Johnson's candidness about his frustrations and failures offers readers an honest, if at times provocative, assessment of the challenges facing Western nations in maintaining influence in regions where geopolitical interests increasingly outweigh shared values.

GEN MUHOOZI'S SUPPORT FOR RUSSIA

General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, son of President Yoweri Museveni and the Chief of Defence Forces of Uganda, has consistently voiced his strong support for Russia in recent years, aligning his views with those of his father. Through his social media presence, Kainerugaba has repeatedly emphasized Uganda's growing ties with Russia and its leadership, further solidifying his role in shaping Uganda's foreign policy narrative.

In a tweet dated August 4, 2024, Gen Kainerugaba reflected on his military delegation's visit to Moscow earlier that year, underscoring the symbolic importance of visiting Lenin's mausoleum. He described Lenin as "the grandfather of all revolutionaries on earth," drawing a parallel to how African patriots view the visit, comparing it to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

This statement highlights the deep ideological alignment Kainerugaba sees between Uganda's revolutionary past and Russia's historical influence. Earlier, on February 26, 2023, Kainerugaba made headlines when he announced his intention to embark on a diplomatic tour to both Russia and  Ukraine, with the goal of mediating in the ongoing conflict between the two nations.

He expressed a desire to meet both Russian President Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, declaring it was "time to bring this insane war to an end."

Kainerugaba's pro-Russia stance was further solidified during his participation in the 2nd Russia-Africa Summit in St. Petersburg in August 2023. He praised Uganda's push for trade reforms, advocating for Russia and China to support the importation of only processed goods from industrializing nations like Uganda. He proudly endorsed President Museveni's call for historical allies to assist in Africa's industrialization efforts.

In an earlier statement on July 29, 2022, Kainerugaba hailed the historic visit of Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Uganda, calling it a significant moment for both Uganda and Africa. He congratulated President Museveni and the Ugandan people for hosting Lavrov, highlighting it as the first of its kind for Africa and an important milestone in Uganda-Russia relations.

Through these public declarations, Kainerugaba continues to play a key role in reinforcing Uganda's strategic alignment with Russia, emphasizing both historical ties and shared geopolitical interests.

BELOW. READ EXTRACTS FROM BORIS' UNLEASHED

It was more or less the same story in Africa, where I visited more countries than any foreign secretary in living memory. They just wanted more Britain, especially in the places where Britain was already well known. I spent happy hours talking to Uganda's Yoweri Museveni, that ancient bush fighter who is so important for the peace of the region, from Somalia to Congo to Sudan.

He is crucial, and though we may disapprove of some of his prejudices (such as his 2014 ban on gay sex), we have to engage with him more; or else he will just talk to others instead. It was also another chance to rally support for Ukraine.

I had memories of the last CHOGM, four years earlier in London, when as foreign secretary I had shoved some language into the communiqué denouncing the Russians for the Salisbury poisonings, only to find that it had been whipped out again by the Commonwealth secretary-general, Baroness Scotland. This time, I thought, the case is overwhelming.

We are talking about an invasion, the murder of thousands of civilians – we must be able to get them to agree. Hah! In the first plenary session, I made what I thought was a reasonable argument against the invasion, only to find that my old friend Yoweri Museveni, the president of Uganda, was raising his hand.

'I do not agree with what Boris Johnson has said.' Generally, I got on famously with this merry-faced old fighter, who had helped overthrow the dictator Idi Amin. No one would pretend that Uganda under his rule is a perfect model of democratic pluralism – but it is a lot better than it was under Amin (who kept the heads of his opponents in the freezer).

Over the years Museveni and I had happy discussions of Land Rovers and cattle farming, and he always seemed to me to have a sentimental interest in – if not quite allegiance to – the old colonial power. As he once explained to me, his very name is a reminder that his father had fought for the 7th Battalion of the King's African Rifles: hence Museveni.

When it came to Putin and Ukraine, however, we were miles apart. He trotted out some of the Kremlin talking points: the nonsense about Nazis and terrorists in Ukraine, for instance. I tried my ace. Museveni is about eighty years old. He is one of the post-war generation of African rulers who took part in the unbundling of the British Empire.

Surely he could see what was happening. Putin's attack was a neo-colonialist assault on a newly independent state. It was naked imperialism. Surely he was anti-imperialist? It didn't wash. 'Putin gives us weapons,' he said simply – and there, I am afraid, he has a point.

Look around sub-Saharan Africa and you will find that Russia is the biggest supplier of weapons, with about 25 per cent of the market. Unlike some of us Western countries, Putin believes in a no-questions-asked approach. You got a problem with Islamists? says Moscow: we'll send the Wagner group! They will blow them away.

There is none of that onerous but necessary stuff about following the rules on international humanitarian law. The Russians don't preach about democracy, or press freedom, let alone the protection of LGBTQI communities. I am afraid that in many countries our delicious disputations on these subjects are viewed with bemusement if not outright hostility – not just by the leaders, but by many of the people themselves.

Putin doesn't give a damn about these complexities. On the contrary, he presents himself as the champion of old-fashioned family (or Christian) values. It is no wonder that his dark charisma proves so compelling with some audiences; and the result is that in Africa today there are far too many governments that are at best ambiguous on Ukraine, and plenty of places where – incredibly – you will see crowds of young men waving the Russian flag, as if to cock a snook at the west in general.

So, after Yoweri Museveni and I had argued each other to a standstill, I gave up, and the fifty-six countries of the Commonwealth contrived in their long communiqué to say nothing about Ukraine at all. Oh, except for a brief reference to the food shortages and price inflation, which Russian propaganda was blaming – in a demonic inversion of the truth – on the Western embargoes on Russia rather than on the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

It was infuriating. Let's face it – Britain is, or ought to be, a FAR more important partner, for these countries than Russia. The UK economy is much bigger and more diverse than the Russian economy; we trade more with most of them; we invest more.

Do they speak Russian? No. They speak English. Do they send their children to university in Russia? No – on the whole they vastly prefer universities in the UK, and quite rightly. Why are we so meekly allowing Russia – never mind China – to acquire this hold over Africa, and why don't we make better use of the Commonwealth?

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